Vladimír Iljič Lenin citáty

„Kapitalisté se mohou vykoupit z jakékoli krize, dokud budou platit dělníci.“

„Když pracuješ, nestyď se říci lidem, kteří ti překážejí, že ti překážejí.“

„Mám rád, když se lidé přou, znamená to, že vědí, co dělají a že mají směr.“

„Pravda nesmí záviset na tom, komu bude sloužit!“

„Zvelič pravdu a máš hloupost.“

„Aby se dosáhlo velkého, je třeba začít s menším.“

„Kapitalisti sami nám prodají provaz, na kterém je my pověsíme.“

„Všechno souvisí se vším!“

„Někdy je nutné učinit jeden krok zpět, abyste mohli učinit dva kroky vpřed.“

„Chceme-li zničit národ, musíme nejprve zničit jeho morálku, a padne nám do klína jako zralé ovoce.“

„Bez vědění jsou dělníci bezbranní, dělníci s věděním jsou síla!“

„Marxismus je všemocný, protože je pravdivý!“

„Jestliže vím, že znám málo, dosáhnu toho, že budu znát více.“

„Bolševik, který napadá drobného rolníka, není bolševikem, není ani reformistou a ani pokrokovým socialistou, ale je zločincem.“

„Důvěra je dobrá, kontrola je lepší.“

„Učit se, učit se, učit se!“

„O rozhodnutích ústředního výboru se nediskutuje.“

„Cílem socialismu je komunismus.“

„Jeden muž se zbraní může ovládat 100 bez ní.“

„Je pravda, že svoboda je vzácná - tak vzácná, že musí být přidělena.“

„V politice není žádná morálka; je to jen zkušenost. Démon může být užitečný, protože je to darebák.“

„Situace je výjimečná, a my musíme zahájit výjimečný teror.“

„Rovnost podle zákona ještě není rovností v životě. My potřebujeme, aby pracující žena dosáhla rovnosti s pracujícím mužem nejen podle zákona, ale také v životě. To si vyžaduje, aby se pracující ženy čím dále tím více zúčastňovaly na správě společenských institucí, na správě státu.“

„Dej mi jen jednu generaci mladých a proměním celý svět.“

„Jsme antivlastenci.“

„Noviny, které zůstávají pozadu, jsou mrtvé. Noviny musí kráčet přede všemi. Monotónnost a zaostávání jsou s činností novin neslučitelné.“

„Ať se obrátíme kamkoli, na každém kroku se setkáváme s úkoly, které je lidstvo s to okamžitě úplně rozřešit. Brání tomu kapitalismus. Nakupil hromady bohatství - a udělal z lidí otroky tohoto bohatství. Rozřešil nejsložitější technické otázky - a zabrzdil provedení technických zlepšení pro bídu a nevědomost milionů obyvatel, pro tupé mamonářství hrstky milionářů.“

„Když je liberál zneužíván, říká: „Díky bohu, že mě nezranili.“ Když je poražen, děkuje Bohu, že ho nezabil. Když je zabit, bude Bohu děkovat, že jeho nesmrtelná duše byla vysvobozena ze své smrtelné hlíny.“

„Nelíbí se vám to barbarství? Nezlobte se, odpovídají Vám dějiny: Mají rády to, čím jsou bohaté. Toto jsou pouze následky činů minulých.“

„Každá společnost je vzdálena jen tři chody jídla od chaosu.“

„Revoluce nepotřebuje historiky.“

„Komunismus je sovětská vláda plus elektrifikace celé země. Jinak země zůstane zemí malé rolnické ekonomiky a je na nás, abychom si to zcela jasně uvědomili.“

„Zvláště schvaluji a vítám zatčení milionářských sabotérů v prvním a druhém železničním voze.“

„Je příjemnější a užitečnější projít "zkušeností z revoluce" než o ní psát.“

„Výměna, spravedlivá nebo nespravedlivá, vždy předpokládá a zahrnuje pravidlo buržoazie.“

„Pozornost musí být věnována hlavně výchově pracovníků na úroveň revolucionářů; není naším úkolem sestupovat na úroveň „pracovních mas“.“

„Socializovaná medicína je základním kamenem oblouku socialistického státu.“

„Propagátor … působí hlavně slovem tištěným, agitátor pak slovem živým. Od propagátora se vyžadují jiné vlastnosti než od agitátora.“

„Všechny lidské názory se až dosud utvářely v pozemských měřítcích, opíraly se o předpoklad, že technika nikdy nepřekročí zemskou sféru. Jakmile se však lidstvu podaří vyjít do meziplanetárních prostor, bude třeba přezkoumat a zrevidovat všechny naše názory filosofické, sociální i morální.“

“One man with a gun can control 100 without one.”

“When a liberal is abused, he says, ‘Thank God they didn’t beat me.’ When he is beaten, he thanks God they didn’t kill him. When he is killed, he will thank God that his immortal soul has been delivered from its mortal clay.”

“The task of a truly revolutionary party is not to declare that it is impossible to renounce all compromises, but to be able, through all compromises, when they are unavoidable, to remain true to its principles, to its class, to its revolutionary purpose, to its task of paving the way for revolution and educating the mass of the people for victory in the revolution.”

“When the workers of a single factory or of a single branch of industry engage in struggle against their employer or employers, is this class struggle? No, this is only a weak embryo of it. The struggle of the workers becomes a class struggle only when all the foremost representatives of the entire working class of the whole country are conscious of themselves as a single working class and launch a struggle that is directed, not against individual employers, but against the entire class of capitalists and against the government that supports that class. Only when the individual worker realizes that he is a member of the entire working class, only when he recognises the fact that his petty day-to-day struggle against individual employers and individual government officials is a struggle against the entire bourgeoisie and the entire government, does his struggle become a class struggle.”

“In capitalist society, providing it develops under the most favorable conditions, we have a more or less complete democracy in the democratic republic. But this democracy is always hemmed in by the narrow limits set by capitalist exploitation and consequently always remains, in effect, a democracy for the minority, only for the propertied classes, only for the rich. Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in the ancient Greek republics: freedom for the slaveowners. Owing to the conditions of capitalist exploitation, the modern wage slaves are so crushed by want and poverty that “they cannot be bothered with democracy,” “cannot be bothered with politics”; in the ordinary, peaceful course of events, the majority of the population is debarred from participation in public and political life. The”

“What a waste that we lost Mussolini. He is a first-rate man who would have led our party to power in Italy. [Addressing to a delegation of Italian socialists in Moscow after Mussolini's March on Rome in 1922]”

“Freedom in capitalist society always remains about the same as it was in the ancient Greek republics: freedom for the slave-owners.”

“Human knowledge is not (or does not follow) a straight line, but a curve, which endlessly approximates a series of circles, a spiral. Any fragment, segment, section of this curve can be transformed (transformed one-sidedly) into an independent, complete, straight line, which then (if one does not see the wood for the trees) leads into the quagmire, into clerical obscurantism (where it is anchored by the class interests of the ruling classes).”

“America has become one of the foremost countries in regard to the depth of the abyss which lies between the handful of arrogant multimillionaires who wallow in filth and luxury, and the millions of working people who constantly live on the verge of pauperism.”

“The bourgeoisie are today evading taxation by bribery and through their connections; we must close all loopholes.”

“Federal Switzerlandization would be a huge step backwards for Germany. Two”

“Thus, in one way or another, the whole world is more or less the debtor to and vassal of these forn international banker countries, the four "pillars" of world finance capital.”

“Complete self-government for the province [gubernia and region], district and community through bureaucrats elected by universal suffrage; the abolition of all local and provincial authorities appointed by the state.”

“All over the world, wherever there are capitalists, freedom of the press means freedom to buy up newspapers, to buy writers, to bribe, buy and fake “public opinion” for the benefit of the bourgeoisie.”

“There are decades when weeks happen, and weeks when decades happen.”

“A lie told often enough becomes the truth.”

“Without Revolutionary theory, there can be no Revolutionary Movement.”

“Unity is a great thing and a great slogan. But what the workers’ cause needs is the unity of Marxists, not unity between Marxists, and opponents and distorters of Marxism.”

“During the lifetime of great revolutionaries, the oppressing classes relentlessly persecute them, and treat their teachings with malicious hostility, the most furious hatred and the most unscrupulous campaign of lies and slanders. After their death, attempts are made to convert them into harmless icons, to canonize them, so to say, and to surround their names with a certain halo for the "consolation" of the oppressed classes and with the object of duping them, while at the same time emasculating the revolutionary doctrine of its content, vulgarizing it and blunting its revolutionary edge.'”

“It is more pleasant and useful to go through the 'experience of the revolution' than to write about it.”

“There are no morals in politics; the is only experience. A scoundrel may be of use because he is a scoundrel”

“We are not utopians, we do not indulge in "dreams" of dispensing at once with all administration, with all subordination; these anarchist dreams… serve only to postpone the socialist revolution until human nature has changed. No, we want the with human nature as it is now, with human nature that cannot dispense with subordination, control and "managers."… The united workers themselves… will hire their own technicians, managers and bookkeepers, and pay them all, as, indeed, every state official, ordinary workmen's wages.”

“Revolution can never be forecast; it cannot be foretold; it comes of itself. Revolution is brewing and is bound to flare up.”

“Every society is three meals away from chaos”

“Attention, must be devoted principally to raising the workers to the level of revolutionaries; it is not our task to descend to the level of the 'working masses'.”

“But suppose, for the sake of argument, free competition, without any sort of monopoly, would develop capitalism trade more rapidly. Is it not a fact that the more rapidly trade and capitalism develop, the greater is the concentration of production and capital which gives rise to monopoly?”

“We will hang the capitalists with the rope that they sell us.”

“An oppressed class which does not strive to learn to use arms, to acquire arms, only deserves to be treated like slaves. We cannot, unless we have become bourgeois pacifists or opportunists, forget that we are living in a class society from which there is no way out, nor can there be, save through the class struggle. In every class society, whether based on slavery, serfdom, or, as at present, wage-labor, the oppressor class is always armed. Not only the modern standing army, but even the modern militia - and even in the most democratic bourgeois republics, Switzerland, for instance - represent the bourgeoisie armed against the proletariat. That is such an elementary truth that it is hardly necessary to dwell upon it. Suffice it to point to the use of troops against strikers in all capitalist countries.
A bourgeoisie armed against the proletariat is one of the biggest fundamental and cardinal facts of modern capitalist society. And in face of this fact, revolutionary Social-Democrats are urged to “demand” “disarmament”! That is tantamount of complete abandonment of the class-struggle point of view, to renunciation of all thought of revolution. Our slogan must be: arming of the proletariat to defeat, expropriate and disarm the bourgeoisie. These are the only tactics possible for a revolutionary class, tactics that follow logically from, and are dictated by, the whole objective development of capitalist militarism. Only after the proletariat has disarmed the bourgeoisie will it be able, without betraying its world-historic mission, to consign all armaments to the scrap-heap. And the proletariat will undoubtedly do this, but only when this condition has been fulfilled, certainly not before.”

“Capitalism in its imperialist stage arrives at the threshold of the most complete socialization of production. In spite of themselves the capitalists are dragged, as it were, into the new social order, which marks the transition from complete free competition to complete socialization. Production becomes social, but appropriation remains private. The social means of production remain the private property of a few. The framework of formally recognized free competition remains, but the yoke of a few monopolists on the rest of the population becomes a hundred times heavier, more burdensome and intolerable.”